Summary of the positions of the revolutionary organization Class Against Class

Our ultimate goal is communism, a classless and stateless society, where humanity, the biosphere and social relations would finally be liberated. Where exploitation and domination would finally be abolished. This final goal requires not only the overthrow of the bourgeois state but also the emergence of forms of organization and social consciousness that would allow the establishment of the new society.

Revolutionary militants have a specific role to play in this process, but class liberation will fundamentally be the work of the class itself. Our class is that of the working people, with or without jobs, with or without papers.

Patriarchy, colonialism and capitalism are historically linked. The feminist struggle and the anti-colonial and anti-racist struggles are integral parts of the struggle for revolution. The struggle for the overthrow of the ruling class must confront the systemic oppressions that keep the ruling class in power, and must be fought with all the oppressed.

The members of our organization identify themselves either simply as revolutionaries, or as belonging to historically and theoretically defined currents (anarchists, Leninists, autonomous). However, our organization does not aim at the cohabitation or juxtaposition of these currents. We want to forge a dynamic and dialectical unity, not an eclectic gathering.

We maintain a critical perspective on past revolutionary experiences. The purpose is to learn, with respect and modesty, from these experiences. Some of them are particularly foundational : the Paris Commune, the Russian and Chinese revolutions, the Spanish and Vietnam wars, the anti-fascist resistance, the Cuban revolution, the international struggle of the 1970s for the liberation of Palestine, the armed struggles in Europe at the end of the 20th century, the liberation movement in Kurdistan and Rojava.

In order to have a global reach, we need to have a strong local anchor. Part of our work is to take deep and lasting roots in the working-class neighborhoods of our geographical area. We are a predominantly Brussels-based and French-speaking organization. We will strengthen this local anchoring while opening our organization to revolutionaries from all cities and regions, Flemish, Walloon, foreigners and, immigrants with or without papers, as long as they agree with our positions, methods, tactics and strategies.

We are fighting against an enemy that has far greater means than ours, it has a state, an army, a police force, etc. It controls and determines the educational system, the media, etc. Powerful forces of repression are barely concealed by a representative façade and false mechanisms of consultation and concertation.

The disadvantageous balance of power forbids us routine, sectarianism, eclecticism, bureaucratism, dispersion or any other type of waste of strength. We are a fighting force, not an alternative milieu. It is the analysis of present and future situations that will determine the strategic and tactical choices and therefore, we do not prohibit ourselves any means of action.

We consider it utopian or suicidal to envisage revolutionary struggle without confronting bourgeois institutions. And this implies, from the beginning, not to compromise with them, not to legitimize them. Our organization does not collaborate with the bourgeois institutions, does not participate in the elections to the bodies of political power of the bourgeoisie, does not ask for subsidies, is not registered as an official association.

We consider revolutionary violence as an inevitable moment of struggle against a ruling class capable of unprecedented violence to keep its power. This violence, among revolutionaries, should not be the expression of individual rage but a form of struggle, obeying the same criteria of decision and evaluation as the others.

We reject this vision of the vanguard, which consists of taking itself for the staff or schoolmaster of the class, drowning its movements to fit into preconceived plans. We try to assume a position of objective vanguard, that is to say, to place ourselves at the forefront of the struggles of our class, studying and experimenting new methods of struggle and organization. This means understanding and synthesizing the initiatives of the masses, which can only be done by fighting alongside them, helping them to gain in cohesion, autonomy, resistance, organization, strength.

In Belgium, the integration of trade unions into the system and their ideological corruption makes them irrecoverable. From representing the interests of the class in the system, they have become the representatives of the system in the class. The possible participation in strikes and trade union demonstrations, with our own mottos valuing class positions, is to be decided on a case-by-case basis.

The work of strategic reflection must be permanent. We cannot and will not intervene for all causes, in all struggles. The analysis must show which struggles are most likely to strengthen the revolutionary alternative. These struggles are not necessarily the most popular, the most obvious, they do not necessarily echo the most blatant injustices or the most shocking abuses.

We are therefore not eclectics in the sense that we recognize that there are choices that are more or less right, more or less wrong, but while giving ourselves the means to define the most correct orientations possible, we do not lose sight of the fact that other choices may ultimately prove to be more just than ours.

In this spirit, far from aspiring to hegemony in the revolutionary left, we will seek to form loyal alliances with all the forces that compose it. We wish to build units wherever possible and at the highest possible level, without compromising our choices, methods and principles.

We are part of a worldwide trend towards liberation. Our internationalism is determined only by the interests of the people and the revolutionary movements that emerge from them. Our hostility to the imperialist powers will not lead us to support anti-popular, chauvinist, racist, colonialist, etc. governments and forces, even when they are confronted by imperialist powers.

National liberation is legitimate. We support the right of the people to self-determination while maintaining that there will only be complete liberation with social liberation. We condemn all chauvinism, including in national liberation processes: a true national liberation process is carried out with respect for the rights of other peoples.

We support all struggles for liberation, but the Rojava is a specific reality in which the experience of a new society in a liberated space is already being built. The Rojava is an experience to be valued and defended.

Our position on the national liberation of Palestine is the historical position of the left Palestinian Revolutionary: a Palestine, free, secular and democratic, from the Jordan River to the Sea.